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The majority division of Indian society, the ‘concerned’ Hindu citizens are demanding that the Indian Muslims will have to without delay commence to speak out and take counteractive steps versus the terrorist attacks instigated by fundamentalist and anti-national Muslim groups. They are straightout critical regarding the attitude of mutual Muslims and Muslim organizations of the country for not doing sufficient to voice their protest and rather preferring to stay mere viewers of the spiteful events. They have raised a ‘valid’ question: is this not the idealisti time for Indian Muslims to prove their dedication to the Indian state? If they are candidly versus these felonious acts of homegrown terrorists, if they veritably feel that terrorists are demeaning the entire Muslim population and in the name of Islam destabilizing the Indian society, then why are they not coming out in flocks to express their concern? A lot of voices have been built up in favor of the above view. Therefore, it is worth probing the elements of this elaborated topic in detail.

During the Partition of India in 1947, a significant number of Muslim families decisive to live in secular India rather of migrating to Islamic Pakistan. It was a difficult but cognizant decision, based for the most part on the official stand of the new Indian Government which wanted to be recognized as a secular state. The crucial portion played by a substantial division of their Hindu neighbors and friends will have to likewise be mentioned, those Hindus who did provide the required selfconfidence and consolation to their Muslim brothers and sisters to reside besides them. At that time it was not an easy decision for the compassionate Hindus either in front of large-scale killing and violence. Communal elements were present in both communities, feeding each other on an agenda of hatred and intolerance. The Partition dusts settled down in time but left a deep scar on the face of the newborn nation. Today’s younger generation of Muslims were born and brought up in a secular-democratic India and has little or no mental connection with the Partition period’s assault of communal violence on their ancestors. They live and part the democratic milieu of this country evenly with their Hindu counterparts.

Is it then beyond question that by having an equivalent stake in the system with their Hindu counterparts, the present day Indian Muslims must have no basis to be apathetic to the country’s democratic values? To find an answer to that we must look into the actual conditions wherein majority of the Indian Muslims live.

As per 2001 census estimates, India has roughly 150 million Muslims, constituting 13.43 per cent of the Indian population. They represent the second biggest Muslim population in the world, behind Indonesia (190 million) and just in front of Pakistan (about 140 million). The Indian Muslim community is larger than the entire population of Arab Muslims (about 140 million). Despite such a big presence, Indian Muslims by and big are living in appalling socio-economic conditions. All post-independence commissions set up by the Indian government in an venture to find out the social, economic and instructional status of Muslims – from the 1983 Dr Gopal Singh Commission to the 2006 Rajinder Sachar Commission have shown a dismaying portrayal of the community. The latest report by Rajinder Sachar Commission has conventional the following disturbing statistics:

1. 48 per cent of Muslims older than 46 years age can’t read or write. In the age group of 6 to 14 years, 25 per cent of Muslim children are either dropouts or have never attended school. As far as enrolment symmetry in schools are concerned, the share of Muslim children is lower equated to the schedule caste and schedule tribes.

2. Primary, secondary and higher secondary – at each level the dropout proportionality is the most eminent among Muslims. Only 3 per cent of Muslim children attend the madrasa. Out of the total Muslim population of around 14 crore, only with regards to 4 crore Muslims have received a lot of education – 192 lakh are educated till essential level, 105 lakh till secondary, 73 lakh till higher secondary and 24 lakh till graduate level. A huge division amid the Muslims is Urdu speaking, but the infrastructure to instruct Urdu is miserable.

3. 52 per cent of Muslim men and 91 per cent Muslim women are unemployed. Representation of Muslims in government jobs is far underneath their ratio in total population. They hold only 7.2 per cent of government jobs and only 3.2 per cent of the jobs in the country’s security agencies (namely, CRPF, CISF, BSF, SSB etc). In a great deal of states like Delhi, Tamilnadu, Bengal, Maharashtra and Uttar Pradesh, the share is even lower.

4. In towns that range in population amongst 50 thousand and 2 lakhs, Muslim per capita expenditure is less than that of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes.

5. Although they make up only 13.43 per cent of the total population, 40 per cent of the prison populations in India are Muslim.

Except if one utterly believes the Hindutva apologist’s propaganda that the Sachar Commission report is ‘full of prejudices’ and ‘politically motivated’, there will have to be little doubt from the above data, that the condition of mutual Muslims in India is not at all promising and needs a drastic change. Muslims in India have fallen behind the rest of the population, peculiarly in employment prospects and education. Large division of this Muslim populace is living under uttermost poverty. In urban areas most of them are raised in ghettos near to posh neighborhoods, missing out the basic infrastructural facilities like clean water supply, sewage or sanitation system, banks and schools. In closely each three Muslim overshadowed villages, one does not have a school. Nearly 40 per cent of the Muslim overshadowed villages do not have proper roads, drinking water and health facility. A big section of general Muslims are low status or downtrodden. A sizable division among them is former dalits, converted to Islam. Their conversion over the centuries has not helped them to realize any noticeable socio-economic uplift.

The Hindutva apologist’s plainly have very strong disagreement to this report as it has bluntly shatter their circulated myth regarding Muslim ‘appeasement’ by the ‘pseudo secular’ political class of this country. On the other hand, the report has likewise exposed that since independence, the main political parties have largely ignored elevating the community in socio-economic terms. Time and again these political parties and leaders shed crocodile tears and in the pardon of ‘helping’ Muslims, compromise with the most reactionary parts amongst them. Time and again it was observed that these leaders and political parties erase out the community from their mind without genuinely carrying out any enduring gain to them once their political goals are achieved.

From the education perspective, the circumstance of Muslims in India is rather depressing. From a very young age, Muslims who attend the madrasas (although only 3 per cent as per the Sachar report) receive orthodox religious teachings and allround their lives earnestly follow it. The normal instructing trend in the madrasas is to minimize the intellectual and rational sciences and stress on strictly religious orthodox disciplines, the dos and don’ts of Shariati laws and so on. The conditions of the dropouts or those who have never attended school (25 per cent as per the Sachar report) are even pathetic. They are the most wretched and deprived in the community, their outlook and values of life manufacture straight from their downcast and conventional social upbringing. The psyche of a more spectacular division of young Muslims are shaped by these conventional and orthodox lessons of Islam, most of the time interpreted by the ulemas in such a way that learners are bound to incline towards a dogmatic approach in life, always distrustful to progressed liberal values. The religious beliefs and exercises form a blind faith on religion and thence it becomes easy for conservative minded religious Muslim leadership to draw the community’s agenda in rigorously religious terms, neglecting the importance of socio-economic empowerment of the community. Modern rationalistic approach towards life is absent in this rigid religious atmosphere. As a result, it becomes obligatory for the inhabitants to learn Urdu, the women to adopt veil, children to receive Islamic orthodox teachings and to grow up with all sorts of conservative values.

The role of Islamic organizations in India is also not beyond criticism. These organizations are less concerned with regards to social and instructional reforms but rather spend most of their energy and resources to coordinate the community in religious lines. By stressing on an identity related threat, they undertake to segregate the minds of mutual Muslims from secular lenience to religious fanaticism.

The increasing communal polarization of the Muslims has aggravated after the speedy growth of Hindutva ideology in Indian society following the Babri Masjid demolition on 6 December, 1992. This event and the subsequent communal propaganda set off by the hydra headed Sangh Parivar was responsible for strengthening the anti minority bias in all subsections of Indian society and was successful to manage a parliamentary victory in the national elections for it is political wing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Upbeat after the electoral victory, the Parivar and it is offshoots started to systemically unleash sporadic attacks on the minorities in a good deal of constituents of the country and forced them to gradually segregate from the mainstream. While beneath direct or indirect communal attacks, the socially alienated popular Muslims cling more towards religion for ease and support. Communal constituents amidst the Muslim community have likewise added fuel to the fire. These parts evenly contributed the increasing communal polarization and have stirred up a widely shared sensing amongst the community that their identity is being undermined by the systemic propaganda and actions of Hindu communal forces. The degraded conditions of the popular Muslims were bit by bit gathering all the right ingredients for extremist Islamic ideology to disseminate it is root among them.

Just when the Gujarat riots happened.

Immediately after the terrible incidence of Godhra train burning on 27 February 2002, Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi called it “a one-sided collective terrorist attack by one community”. The following day, his speech was broadcasted on Ahmedabad Doordarshan where he remarked, “…we will set an example that nobody, not even in his dreams, thinks of committing a heinous crime like this.” From 28 February onwards, in the pretext of the ‘terrorist’ label, Hindutva communal fanatics with the active help of the state police unleashed an unexampled collective violence upon the entire Muslims in the state. The pogrom was like a moral obligation to the perpetrators that their robust action was the right reaction to Godhra train burning and was necessary to cleanse the Indian society from the evils of radical Islam – to ‘defend the Hindu religion’. Numerous Muslim houses, shops along with persons were gutted; mosques and shrines were damaged or destroyed and in the place makeshift Hindu temples were built. The huge scale violence did not spare women and children; wealth and status could not shield the victims. The chief minister, rather of controlling the circumstance justified the pogrom by saying “it was a spontaneous reaction of the humans versus the terrible events of Godhra”. According to official estimate, 1044 humans were killed in the violence – 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus (including 58 victims of the Godhra train fire). 1,50,000 were left homeless.

Who were besides the victimized Muslims when Gujarat was burning? It was numerous Muslim voluntary groups and few social activists. On ground, not a single political party dared to confront the killers or has protected the traumatized Muslims. Literary critic and activist Ganesh Devy at that time had bitterly remarked, “There is no political or ideological divide in Gujarat on the Muslim question; even the Congress hates Muslims.” The government looked the other way when it is healing touch was required the most. Under brutal attack perpetrated by the religious majority, the hapless Muslims cocooned into grungy relief camps for years and were fixed more ardently to their faith. This is a perfective time for fanatic ideas to creep in. There is always an immense possibleness that extremist radical thought could infiltrate and influence the victims and their kith and kin, for the most part youths, when they find their whole surroundings including the civil society, government agencies and the hate factories of vernacular media are exclusively versus them only because they belong to a peculiar religion. A compassionate social attitude and a concerned government could have arrested this risk but it was an absurd expectation from a society totally polarized on religious line, where a mere 9.1 per cent are Muslims. Gujarat riots of 2002 were a slap in the face of a country which proclaims to be the biggest secular-democratic state of the world.

Gujarati Hindus are arrogantly proud for what they have done in the post Godhra days. ‘Gujarati Asmita’ (Gujarati pride) was at last been legalized when the introductory part of justice G T Nanavati Commission report was made public recently. The report supported the chief minister’s assert that Godhra was a ‘terrorist conspiracy’. It likewise hinted to give a clean chit to the Gujarat government when it says that there was no proof of any lapse on the state government’s part, “in supplying protection, relief and rehabilitation to the victims of communal riots or in complying with the directions given by the National Human Rights Commission.” The Nanavati Commission wholly adopted the version of the Gujarat government’s investigating officer Noel Parmar’s report in the Godhra train burning case. Interestingly, Parmar’s same report was earlier not accepted by the Supreme Court which on March, 2008 has ordered a fresh investigation of the post-Godhra violence. Earlier, two riot cases were transposed outside Gujarat to Maharashtra by the Supreme Court because the court understood that it is inconceivable for Muslim riot victims to get justice from the judiciary of Narendra Modi’s Gujarat.

No one in Gujarat now talks in regards to or recalls the 2002 riots as if not one thing of that sort has ever happened there. The events are supposed to be too ‘sensitive’ to talk about. The collective Gujarati mind has been shaped so utterly by the Sangh Parivar’s systemic propaganda that even a mention in regards to the riots is confronted with stiff resistance from the mutual persons of Gujarat today. Even the most effected Muslims have adjusted with the circumstance and try hard to ‘forget’ with regards to the carnage they faced. Instead, their keen crusade now is to motivate themselves by the vibrant Gujarat dream.

Apart from the Muslims, India likewise comprises other minority groups like Christians, Sikhs and Zoroastrians (Parsis). In 1999, a missionary Graham Steins were burnt to death by Bajrang Dal goons along with his two minor sons in Orissa. The Christians were also aimed in Gujarat where similar incidents of church burning and brutal killing took place precisely like what is happening today in Orissa, Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh. And why not? Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) Guru M. S. Golwalkar had marked out Muslims and Christians as ‘internal enemy No. 1 and 2′. Are they not ‘foreign invaders’ purposed to annihilate Hindus? The charge versus Christians is for forcibly converting people. In the contrary, the census figures show that the number of Christians in India has dropped from 2.5 to 2.3 per cent. Guru Golwalkar had put in plain words that:

“The alien races in Hindusthan must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the Hindu race and culture, i.e. of the Hindu nation, and will have to lose their discerned existence to merge in the Hindu race, or [they] may stay in the country, totally subordinated to the Hindu nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment – not even citizen’s rights.” (M. S. Golwalkar: We, Our Nationhood Defined, 1939)

Today Guru Golwalkar’s truehearted disciples, the VHP and the Bajrang Dal are just complying with this treatise. Minorities may live in India but only at the mercy of the Hindus. If they speak out in regards to their grievances, their worries and aspirations, they will be dubbed as ‘anti-national’ or humiliated as being ‘appeased’ too much. When Professor Mushirul Hasan, the Vice Chancellor of Jamia Millia Islamia University offers legal help on behalf of the University to the students accused for terror acts, he is harshly blamed for ‘supporting’ terrorists. At that point the accusers wholly close their eyes to the fact that it is a constitutional right of the accused students as citizens of India to be entitled for legal help until their crime is proved in a court. When the same Professor Hasan was purposed by Muslim fundamentalists when he took a stand versus banning Salman Rushdie’s disputable book Satanic Verses – the same humans has hailed him for taking a courageous position.

Who is a terrorist? Those who meticulously plan and blast bombs in crowded public places, attack temples with automatic weapons and barbarically kill innocent lives in the name of Islamic jihad or those who butcher innocent lives, violently evict the victims from their homes and turn them into refugees, rape the women, ruin mosques and burn churches in the name of Hindu nationalism? Both are dangerous, both are malicious. Both are alien funded, both have their own versions to warrant their acts. Both are terrorists.

The utter hypocrisy with a section of our so called ‘concerned’ and ‘patriotic’ middle class is that they consider all secular voices as pseudo secular and thinks that condemning both Islamic and Hindutva fanatics is like ‘falling in a trap’. They are severely critical versus jihadi homegrown Muslims but covertly supportive to the fanaticism of the vicious Hindutva forces. After independence almost seven decades has passed but still they never miss a prospect of Muslim bashing by relating them with the 61 years old Partition day mayhem of 1947. However, these very same persons cautiously ignore the 16 year old Babri Masjid demolition of 1992 and measuredly forget the only 6 year old Gujarat pogrom days of 2002. It has likewise become their obligation to glorify the headship of Narendra Modi as the potential savior of India. Their sensing of democracy is selective. Muslim terror in the name of Allah is loathsome, Hindu terror in the name of Ram is explicable.

Ordinary Muslims will have to realize that only a fresh liberal outlook acquired from progressed education may elevate them from their misery and disorientation. The reasons behind their socio-economic backwardness in huge parts of this country are principally due to this social stagnation and instructional marginalization. The Muslim youths today who have been motivated as jihadi and opts the terrorist path are genuinely misguided. The solution to homegrown terrorism for the most part depends on how the state and society as a whole, attempts to do something regarding the grievances of mutual Muslims and therefore prevent their youths to be misguided by lethal influences. The state and society ought to also realize that until provocation is barred and the rule of law is evenly established, the problem will persist and keep India susceptible to more severe damages in future.